Empowering a Generation and a Nation, One Woman at a Time

“Certainly, we cherish our cultural heritage and the centuries old traditions from which our society derives its identity and resilience. But we also acknowledge that practices that undermine human dignity, retard social progress and bring about unnecessary misery and suffering must not be countenance by a society that appreciates the worth of its people.”

Dr. Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings: Addressing the 23rd Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly (Beijing +5); attended by over 2000 women’s groups and NGOs worldwide. June 5th, 2000, New York, USA

Emanating from her seemingly effortless ability to be both a hard line politician and a passionate change agent for the poor, the voiceless and the under-served populations in Africa, her power is not something she wields. It’s something she is. Authentic. Smart. Unpretentious. Forthright. Engaging. There isn’t a prediction or forecast broad enough to encompass her energy, vibrancy and her ability to connect with people of all social levels. Such traits are the by-product of her confidence, wisdom and openness to the inclusion of all people. Her leadership style has served as a pioneering model for improving gender equity, equality and the empowerment of grassroots women in Africa. When purpose aligns itself with the character to serve the greater good, authentic power takes over. Such are the coordinates of where Nana Rawlings stands today.

Life before Politics

Activism for Nana Rawlings began in the tumultuous days of revolution when her husband, Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings, took over as Ghana’s Head of State on December 31st, 1981. His popular rise to power followed more than a decade of economic devastation, political crisis and mass human suffering under a series of corrupt civilian (1969 -1972) and military regimes (1972 – 1979). With the aim of rebuilding Ghana from the grassroots, and returning power to the people, Jerry Rawlings spearheaded a revolution that was aimed at wiping out corruption among the power elites and restoring Ghana’s shattered economy.

On the streets of Accra, the country’s transportation system had broken down. There was no reliable power grid and only a handful of paved roads were undamaged by massive potholes. Inflation had soared and food was so scarce that a tin of milk or a loaf of bread required standing in long lines for as much as five hours or more. Mrs. Rawlings recalls, “Much like the rest of the country, I was relieved that someone was finally strong and brave enough to risk his life for truth, social justice and the larger good of the nation. But I also knew my life would never be the same.”

Prior to public life, Nana Konadu had been working professionally (1972 – 1979) in Ghana as an interior decorator with the Union Trading Company (UTC), a large Swiss trading firm, where she rose to the rank of Group Manager. Her responsibilities included UTC showrooms, window displays and corporate housing units throughout Ghana. In 1975, her work took her to Switzerland for 18 months on attachment to Jelmoli, then Switzerland’s largest department store, as an administrator and interior decorator. Upon returning to Ghana, Nana and Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings exchanged wedding vows in a church wedding in 1977. Even after marriage, Mrs. Rawlings continued advancing in her career as the senior administrator of UTC’s Display Department. She recalls, “Given that the country was in such steep decline, I considered myself lucky to even have a job. What’s more, I was one of only a handful of Ghanaian women working among the professional ranks at UTC. Still, much like the rest of the country, we were struggling.”

In 1978, at the height of the nation’s collapse, Nana Konadu was expecting the couple’s first child, Zanetor. During her pregnancy, however, it was not uncommon to find the halls of the Military Hospital plunged into darkness, due to power outages, with only partial lighting provided by the aid of a generator and the flickering light of lanterns carried around by hospital staffers.

While power outages were intermittent, deprivation was constant. The hospital had no bed sheets, no painkillers, no sanitary towels, no syringes, no cotton wool, not even a light bulb in the labour and delivery room to guide the medical staff as she struggled through labour. If she wanted any of these comforts, she would have to supply them on her own. And, fortunately, she could. Weeks before she went into labour, Nana Konadu and Jerry made the four hour journey by road into neighbouring Togo to buy the list of hospital supplies suggested by their doctor.

She recalls, “All the while, I could only think of the blinding fluorescence of public facilities in Switzerland. From Swiss banks to shopping centres to public universities, high-quality lighting and overflows of supplies filled every facility in abundance. I could only imagine the hospital delivery wards: the blankets, pink or blue, the menu of painkillers, doctors in white coats and sanitary gloves, tending to patients under the hard white hospital light. How much different was it in the hushed, dark tensions of Ghana.”

As the economy fell apart, senior military officers continued to increase their ill-gotten riches at the expense of the poor and starving masses. While men monopolized power at all levels of development, it was women (and their children) who suffered the most from poor judgment and weak governance. Yet women were the backbone of the rural economy. In Ghana, as throughout most of Africa, women account for more than fifty percent the population producing more than seventy percent of the nation’s food crops, which make them the largest part of the nation’s economic efforts. Adding to that, many of these women bear the sole responsibility for raising the children, feeding their families and providing care for the elderly in their communities. Despite their major contributions to family, community, and food security for the nation, their dire living conditions and basic needs for sustainable development had never been placed on the national agenda or even prioritised as a part of the nation’s development needs.

“At the Military Hospital, I witnessed the miraculous delivery of a newborn through the birth canal of a very beautiful, but very young, girl, who had been rushed into the hospital for urgent medical care, but with no medical supplies
and probably no history of prenatal care. Although the baby she delivered was healthy, I was traumatised the next day by news of her death ‘due to complications beyond the hospital’s capacity.’

“By the time I gave birth to my first child I was an exception: I was 29, married and college educated with a university degree in graphic design.” In rural Ghana, however, without access to education, it is not uncommon to find young girls who, by the ages of 12, 13 or 14, have been sold into marriage and given birth to multiple children within a few years. If you look at the generation before her, the story is likely the same – one of subjugation, marginalization and disempowerment, a formula for the vicious cycle of poverty.

Worse yet, Mrs. Rawlings notes, young girls are more likely to be the victims of outmoded customs, such as polygamy, trokosi (female sexual slavery), and painful genital cutting, a practice which could result in excessive bleeding and death of infant or adolescent victims. Once held sacred as a form of purification, this horrific practice is commonly known today as female genital mutilation (FGM). “These customs are not only inhumane; they’re tools of oppression and subjugation that render African women and girls subservient, docile and exploitable,” she asserts. As a result, young women become socialised to think their ideas, personal struggles, and needs for greater equality are of no interest or consequence to the world around them.

Viewed through this lens, Nana Rawlings is convinced that the leading difference between her situation and those of rural women starts with access to education—from girlhood throughout young adulthood. “Education imparts a desire for a better life, the knowledge that such a life exists, and a basic framework for how to attain that life,” she explains. “Without it, however, young girls are groomed to be nothing other than the perfect wives and mothers, and any thoughts or aspirations beyond that, is fiercely discouraged and in some cases, even shunned.”

As the former First Lady sees it, a woman who is enlightened about the world around her is empowered to engage confidently in her own self development before entering into marriage. This provides a strong foundation that will allow her to make better, more informed, choices for herself and, more importantly, for the generation she raises.

These socio-cultural problems are only a slice of the gender inequities that have fuelled Mrs. Rawlings’s passion for social reform and women’s empowerment. “I instinctively understood that in order to help women escape from the clutches of oppression, I had to reject and publicly denounce the outmoded customs of generations past (e.g. as trokosi, FGM and child marriage, etc.) that have served as traditional barriers for women’s progress.” When it came to tackling issues that affect women in particular, her model for revolution was deliberately different: “It starts with ONE woman who says ‘enough is enough’, ONE family at a time, and continues onward from ONE generation to the other. That is how we measure long-term success—by the multiplier effect of empowering ONE woman.”

A Lineage of Doers & Leaders

Nana Konadu Agyeman (maiden name) was born in Cape Coast in Ghana’s Central Region on November 17, 1948. She is a direct descendent of the Ashanti Royal family in Kumasi, the former centre of an empire that once controlled much of present-day Ghana. Both her mother and father hail from a long line of royal ancestry with a proud tradition of leadership. Her father’s uncle was the great king of Asante, Nana Agyeman Prempeh I, who was exiled by the British in 1897 to the Seychelles Island, where he was later joined by the famed and venerable Queen Mother Yaa Asantewaa.

As the third-born of seven children
six girls and one boy
Nana Konadu grew up in a prosperous and well-educated family in the 1950’s Gold Coast (Ghana before independence). Her father, John Osei-Tutu Agyeman, was a prominent and widely respected businessman, who always stressed the importance of education and independent thinking to Nana and her five sisters. After obtaining a master’s degree from the London School of Economics, Mr. Agyeman became one of the first Africans in the Gold Coast to work at the senior levels of management within the United Africa Company (UAC), a colossal British trading firm that was a branch of Unilever. He was later recruited into government by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana’s first president, as a top commerce executive and business advisor to the nation’s first post-colonial administration.

Her mother, Felicia Agyeman, was an educator, whose career in the classroom ended abruptly when she married Nana’s father. In the days of colonialism, British law mandated that married women stay home and look after their husband and children. So Mrs. Agyeman was forced to abandon the classroom and the teaching career she loved the moment she married her husband. Still, Nana’s mother made good use of her professional skills inside the home, where she often home-schooled Nana Konadu, her six siblings and several cousins from Nana’s father’s large extended family.

Young Nana Konadu attended a series of elite public and private schools, including the British-established Achimota Secondary School, where she had her first encounter with Jerry Rawlings in 1961. The Agyemans’ good fortune prompted Nana’s parents to continuously take in and support the children of struggling relatives. Her mother was strict, yet full of compassion she says, always putting food, clothing, and other basic provisions away for relatives in need. She emphasises that her mother was probably the strongest influence on her. In Nana’s words, “It was she, by her concern for the poor and the disadvantaged, who helped me to discover my interest in social reform. Perhaps this explains why, amidst the tumult of revolution in the early 1980’s, I discovered a powerful pull and personal calling in the world of politics. My recognition of injustices against women and the poor in our society ignited my early desire for social change.”

Activist and First Lady

Unwilling to live life within the strict limits imposed by a male dominated society, First Lady Nana Rawlings stirred national debate over what role a Head of State’s wife should play. Normally, she would have been expected to confine herself to managing the household, raising the children, perhaps engaging in some charitable work, and supporting her husband’s political agenda. But she insisted on developing a more independent life. In spite of much criticism, Mrs. Rawlings forged a new identity for herself by engaging in meaningful political activity. So on May 15th, 1982, she and other like-minded women established the 31st December Women’s Movement as a means to ensure that women in Ghana did not get left behind in the revolutionary process.

“From that day forward, I took on the biggest challenge of my life. I emerged from the ‘relative’ comforts of city life to learn about the plight of poor rural women – not by reading or hearing about them, but by actually going out and meeting those who were struggling.”

She smiles as she thinks of how her youngest daughter, Amina, recalls these early days, “From a very young age, I travelled around Ghana with Mum so much that she could have easily confused me with her handbag.”

“It’s true,” Mrs. Rawlings admits. “I can’t deny this. I threw myself into my work. In my political life, passion took over. I wanted to understand the problems of rural women firsthand and with the country in crisis, there was plenty to absorb.”

Winding across dusty ochre-red roads through grassy, rich savannah, Nana Konadu travelled to areas such as Ghana’s remote northern region. She met with local chiefs and explained to them that the 31st December Women’s Movement was borne out of a desire to get women to be a recognisable part of national development. The Movement, she noted, “emanated as a result of the revolution that came to stop the rot and decay in our society. Women wanted to be part of that change and not just observers.”

She danced with townsfolk and addressed crowds of hundreds of women and children. At the podium she stressed to women that they must be completely politically and economically empowered by becoming micro-entrepreneurs in their homes and villages. And under the watchful gaze of traditional chiefs, she defied social norms by stressing the importance of family planning through the use of contraceptives.

“The more I listened to the stories of rural women, the more I understood their frustrations, knowing that they remain secondclass citizens despite their contributions to family and community. Throughout my travels, I encountered the complete absence of academic opportunity for the girl-child. Women had been made to feel they have little stake in the country’s success. In some rural areas it wasn’t uncommon for a woman to give birth in the morning and be back working in the fields in the afternoon.”

She admits, “I have never claimed to be an economist, but my travels throughout the country allowed me to discover the real-life economics of poor and rural grassroots women. Back in Accra, one of my primary missions as a women’s activist was to convince public officials and policy makers to recognize rural women and the underprivileged in our country as valid and important constituencies whose advancement could benefit the entire nation.”

A committed progressive, Nana Konadu successfully formulated and influenced legislative policies against human rights abuses such as trokosi, child marriage, and FGM that have historically and traditionally subjugated women in Ghana. But she didn’t stop there. Simultaneously, she strongly believed that without the effective mobilisation of women — Ghana’s largest labour force — the nation could not achieve its aim of economic reform. “We recognised that for women to be really empowered for development we needed to make them economically active. That was the only way their male counterparts were going to recognise them as equals. So we developed small-scale business models, such as cassava processing plants to process local staples such as gari and kenkey, as well as other self-sustaining businesses like vegetable cultivation, batik making, pottery design, beekeeping and soap production. By securing local and international donor funds, we were able to offer impoverished women tiny amounts of seed money to establish businesses and encouraged them to move into male dominated industries. The women guaranteed each another’s debts and began meeting regularly to make payments and discuss a social issue, like family planning or schooling for girls.”

Travelling tirelessly around the country, sometimes with her own infant child, Nana Konadu became controversial for her candour and fierce criticisms of a male-dominated status quo. While supporters cheered her on, critics attacked her for “overstepping boundaries” and meddling in her husband’s job. But her extraordinary resolve to fight discrimination against women and the rural poor made Nana Konadu a pioneering activist. No other First Lady in Ghanaian history has ever had such a direct role in policy making.

By the 1990’s, in a flourishing economy and restored democracy, Nana Konadu’s Movement was credited by many as being an instrumental part of the revolution in Ghana’s economy. Before December 31st, 1981, women had no access to micro-loans or adult literacy programs, nor did they have power or influence in law or politics—even those laws that pertained to them. A decade later, there was a national program to reduce poverty which offered women micro-credit facilities and entrepreneurship training. There was also legislation to protect women’s property rights and the presence of women in parliament and government greatly enriched Ghanaian politics. By opening doors previously closed to women, Mrs. Rawlings broke the mould for African women in politics and attained genuine political power in her own right.

Changing the Face of Womanhood

Perhaps the greatest lesson presented by the track record of Mrs. Rawlings and her colleagues is that Africa’s greatest unexploited resource isn’t oil fields or goldfields; it is the women and girls who are denied an education and shut off from playing a major role in the formal economy. Twenty-eight years later, through the drudgery of their work, a powerful recognition is coming to light: women and girls aren’t the problem; they’re the solution. They might possibly represent the best hope for reducing poverty in Africa.

Mrs. Rawlings asserts, “Gender equality is not only morally right; it is pivotal to human progress and sustainable development. If Ghana is to meet the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), in particular, Goal Number 3 – promoting gender equality and empowering women – women’s rights should be prioritised. Government’s commitment should go beyond simply putting policies in place to monitoring how women’s participation in all levels of national development is taking place on the ground.”

Political Ambitions

Although the former First Lady has not publicly declared any intentions to run in Ghana’s 2012 presidential elections, early endorsements for her candidacy have stirred massive debate and speculation about her political ambitions. There is no doubt that Mrs. Rawlings has the capacity to run and the experience to turn Ghana’s fortunes around. But the question remains: Will Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings enter the race in 2012 to become Ghana’s first female president? At this point, only time will tell. As one supporter states, “she is arguably the most politically exposed and politically experienced Ghanaian female around.”

Perhaps the answer to this question lies beneath the surface of her own words: “Through my work as both an activist and a politician, I strive to demonstrate that it is our continuing responsibility, as African women, to challenge inequality, resist oppression, and question our exclusion from every level of African society. I’ve come to realise that it takes a woman to break the endemic cycle of poverty. This is a task too large and too important to be left alone to the government. So it is up to us, the women of Africa, to bear the responsibility for actions needed to end poverty—first in our homes, then in our communities and, ultimately, throughout our nations, one woman at a time.” WAM

As the first and only Black Police Officer working in a modern day city, it can be both challenging and daunting. That is the story of Mr. Kenneth Ikenna Ekeke, who worked for seven years with the London Metropolitan Police before moving to the Western Australian Police force where he currently works. The Western Africa Magazine cornered him in London to find out his views on his Policing experiences in the UK and Australia.

WAM: Please, briefly introduce yourself, your educational background and your professional career.

Mr. Ekeke: I am Kenneth Ikenna Ekeke, a British citizen of Nigerian parentage. I presently I live and work in Australia. Earlier in life I studied in Nigeria where I obtained my National Diploma in Fabrication Engineering from the Petroleum Training Institute, Effurun, Nigeria, prior to joining my family in the UK. In the UK, I studied at South Bank University in London where I obtained a BA and B.Sc (Honours) degrees in Medical Health Sciences and Sociology. After completing that I went on to the University of Manchester, Institute of Science and Technology where I did my Masters in Corrosion Science and Engineering. After my Masters, I joined the Metropolitan Police in 2002 as a substantive Detective Officer and Investigator within the Criminal Investigation Department (C.I.D) for 7 years before transferring to the Western Australian Police.

WAM: Can you tell us a little more about your role as a Detective Officer within the Police?

Mr. Ekeke: As a detective, I supervise major investigations like murder, kidnap, rape, serious financial fraud, cyber crimes, money laundering, theft and other serious crimes. I run them from start to finish including going to court and getting the criminals convicted and sentenced to prison. I also have supervisory roles and responsibilities and I have to react swiftly to any unfolding events. I manage victims, suspects and witnesses, co-ordinate forensic examinations, assessing risks that may affect public safety and also dealing with the Press. There are much more to the detective job than can be covered in this interview but obviously it entails running quite serious investigations.

WAM: You joined the Metropolitan Police after your graduation from the university, how did your career progress from the Metropolitan Police to the Western Australian Police Force?

Mr. Ekeke: I joined the Metropolitan Police in March 2002 as a Trainee Detective Constable (TDC) and trained at the Police Academy in Hendon, passed out after four months of training and worked at Lime House Police Station on probation, learning the trade. At the station, my report writing and day to day general duties caught the attention of my supervisor, who recommended that I make an early application to join the Criminal Investigation Department (C.I.D). Normally, you would have gone through your two years of probation before you can join the C.I.D but I joined within six months. Three months later, I got selected into the Detective training programme going through the very stringent Detective Training School. The Police commissioner then, Sir John Stevens proposed that all to give a bonus of £150.00 each to all trainee detectives that passed their course the first time. I was one of the recipients of that £150.00 bonus.

WAM: At what time did you transfer from the Metropolitan Police to the Western Australian Police?

Mr. Ekeke: After working for the Metropolitan Police for seven years, I felt I needed a change and to diversify my Policing experience. My choice of Australia is based on my belief that the country’s issues are similar to the ones we face in England although there are other issues that are particular to them and would help my aspirations of diversifying my experience.

The Aboriginal issue for example, is quite a big issue in terms of the treatment they ware reported to receive from members of the Police in Australia. I felt the need to gain some experience on that and other aspects of Australian policing, so I applied for a transitional transfer programme. The programme was quite rigorous and it took about eighteen months for me to get through the processes of interviews and tests leading to my invitation to Australian Police academy. Looking back now, joining the Western Australian Police Force has been one of the best decisions that I have made.

WAM: How would you differentiate your time with the Metropolitan Police in London and your current experience with the Western Australian Police Force?

Mr. Ekeke: Well, my time with the Metropolitan Police was an interesting one, it was a combination of learning my ropes as a detective through to when I could run investigations competently and comfortably. I enjoyed my time there because I received a lot of support and personal development from the service. The experience and knowledge I now possess are attributable to the Metropolitan Police in every sense. That experience helped me a great deal to adapt to the nature and type of work that I now do in Western Australia.

Western Australia is a unique environment, completely different from the UK although their laws are similar to that of the UK, so it was easy for me to switch over. Dealing with the Aborigines, they seem to find it strange that I am the only Black African ever employed by the West Australian Police. So when I go out on the streets, people run up to me and ask, “How did you join the Western Australian Police. This is the first time we are seeing a Black person in the service”. It has been an interesting experience working for them and I have enjoyed my work so far.

WAM: How do you juggle your demanding job with your social and family life?

Mr. Ekeke: That is the difficult part, Police work is highly demanding both mentally and physically. There is an impression that divorce rate is high within the Police service and the reason is that most times, officers do get tucked-up in their jobs at work and rarely have social lives. When they find spare time to spend with their family, you find that most times, they are called back to work, especially if they are detectives. The job of a Police detective can be demanding and often impacts negatively on relationships as in my case where I lost some friends because they could not cope with me cancelling appointments. I would say that I have not enjoyed the best family and social life working with the Police.

WAM: The Metropolitan Police was branded ‘institutionally racist’ by Sir William MacPherson following the Steven Lawrence’s murder in April 1993. What is your take on that issue as a Black Officer that has worked with the Metropolitan Police?

Mr. Ekeke: Actually, at the time that incident occurred, I was not a Police Officer, I was at the university. I saw the intense media coverage of that particular investigation and my take was that it was assumed that the actual murder was racially motivated. As a result, the Police was accused of not carrying out a proper investigation and institutionally racist. That was followed by the IPCC, who also ran an independent inquiry following McPherson’s Inquiry which suggested that the investigation was not thoroughly and effectively done and that the Police was hiding some information. It was felt that the Police needed the confidence and trust of the ethnic minorities and should be transparent and accountable in the way they carry out their duties. The Metropolitan Police has now addressed a lot of these issues by recruiting more ethnic minority officers into the Police force.

WAM: Are there other peculiar experiences that you have had working as a young Black Detective Officer?

Mr. Ekeke: At times when I turn up at crime scenes or attend serious and critical incidents at hospitals, some people still have this kind of expression on their faces, like, “Why is this Black guy the one investigating my case?” and I have had issues where people queried me and said “Why are you the one investigating my case?”, you can read it on their faces. There have been instances when we pull people up and they talk to the white officers working under me with the impression that they are in charge and obviously they get referred back to me, saying, “Ken is in charge”. You have to develop a thick skin because the job has to be done and one cannot get distracted by how some people perceive a black person.

WAM: Numerous media coverage suggest that the Police maltreat the indigenous Aborigines in Australia. Give us your views on these reports based on your experience?

Mr. Ekeke: Before transferring to Western Australia, I had my own impression about the mistreatments of the indigenous Aborigines by the Police there. But having actually had a working experience with them, I can now say that the white people are doing their best to integrate them into the system. The Aborigines also need to improve their level of commitments to engage or integrate themselves into the system as opportunities are routinely being given to them which they need to take up.

WAM: What are your future aspirations in terms of career progression within the Police force?

Mr. Ekeke: Well, the role I have now is a supervisory one with plans to go into management and later branching off from the Police and possibly go into politics. At the moment, I am concentrating on my Police work and loving it by the day, relishing the challenges and unpredictability. I would say that I have enjoyed the job I do in the Police force in the sense that my job impacts positively on people’s lives. For me being able to deliver justice and fairness to people is one of the rewarding aspects of the job.

WAM: You mentioned being interested in politics earlier, have you ever considered relocating to your motherland, Nigeria, to share your knowledge and experiences within the Law enforcement agencies or in any other capacity as may be required by the Nigerian government?

Mr. Ekeke: Yes, it has crossed my mind on numerous occasions. My relocation to Australia has balanced my Policing experience and my next step would be to relocate to Nigeria, to assist in either Law enforcement or any other capacity within the government. My wife is a politician there so it would give me joy to relocate to Nigeria to contribute to the society. It is the country of my birth that has offered me so much and I feel that it deserves my service, knowledge, experience and skills that I will bring from working for the Metropolitan Police and Western Australian Police.

WAM: How would you advise any prospective black British candidate who intends to apply for work with either the Metropolitan Police or the Australian Police?

Mr. Ekeke: It is a good job but you would have to be prepared and ready to have a thick skin because it is not going to be all rosy, especially with being black, so it would be a matter of having a positive approach and being committed to achieving whatever you set your mind to. With perseverance, confidence and believe in your own ability, you will always have the success that you deserve.

“Any society that survives on the rule of men rather than the rule of law falls victim and becomes captive to caprice and arbitrariness. It is a deterioration of such situation that finally replaces the will of the people with the will of one man, the dictator, who then proceeds to personalize the state.”
Justice Niki Tobi, 2005

On October 1 2010, our beloved Country, Nigeria marked her 50th year of Independence from colonial rule. Governments at all levels in the Country, and the nationals celebrated or commemorated this special Independence Anniversary, tagged the Golden Jubilee Independence Celebrations. However, this was marred by bomb blasts that claimed lives, maimed people and destroyed properties around Eagle Square where the ceremonies took place in Abuja, the Federal Capital of Nigeria.

It is imperative to note the difference between holding Elections and having a proper democratic experience. Since the amalgamation of the Country in 1914, elections had been held to elect Nigerians into political positions either into their regional assemblies to represent the interests of people of their regions or into the Parliament where our heroes past determined that the Country should be granted Independence from British rule. These had happened despite the fact that the Country was under a colonial government, which offered little or no democratic experiences for the emergent nation but which however laid a basic foundation for the form of governance the Country would strive towards. Yet, this was preparatory for the political class in Nigeria to push for the nation’s Independence from Britain. Indeed this was the platform needed for nationalism and the evolution of true democracy in the Country.

Some key words shall be defined which shall provide the framework for the examination of the impact of the democratic experience Nigeria has had since her Independence on 1 October 1960: 50 years ago. These
key words include: Nigeria, Democracy, and Jubilee.

The addition of the name of the nation as a keyword may raise a few eye brows. But then a deeper examination would reveal that besides the geographical situation, topography, peoples, languages, cultures among other indices that make up the Country, including her politics; some nationals, foreigners and other stakeholders have not yet come to term to what Nigeria means to them, or how it should be defined after 50 years of Independence.

For nationals of other countries the names of their country hold a deeper and almost fervent religious implication which sadly is not seen in some Nigerians about Nigeria, after 50 years of Independence. The question then is what does Nigeria represent to Nigerians? What were the dreams of the founding fathers? What were their hopes and aspirations for the generations yet unborn, and what foundations did they put in place to enable their visions, ideals, and aspirations to be achieved? The necessity of these questions if the proper answers are given would provide the prism through which Nigeria after 50 years of independence would be seen. Thus, the need to determine what Nigeria means to every Nigerians. Should we see Nigeria as the Country that belongs to all for which every one should be proud of? Or should the Country be seen from an insider-outsider position, where a large vacuum exists in which the people are criminally isolated from active participation in all she has, including the benefit of adequate employment, proper education, and solid infrastructural provision? These are fundamental to our need to define what the name Nigeria means to the nationals.

Secondly, is the word democracy? Without recourse to academic definitions of what democracy meant to ancient Greeks and other philosophers, or the recent implications of the meaning to modern countries such as Britain and The United States of America, it may connote a different meaning both in usage and practice in Nigeria. Ordinarily, democracy is defined as the government of the people, by the people and for the people. Yet, it would seem that such may not have been the same for Nigeria going by some of the recent experiences we are witnesses to. With the inception of the 4th Republic on May 29 1999 it became common to hear politicians of all hues and colours mouth the words, the dividends of democracy. Now, as these politicians did not define what they meant by democratic ‘dividends’, it gave an economic impression of profit making, trading, investments, securities and the like. However, whereas the practice of democracy with good governance would indeed yield positive returns in various forms to the people with whom ordinarily the power lies with, and when properly applied would provide succour in different forms: good governance, participatory politics, free and fair elections on the political front, on the socio-economic level, democracy should also yield an equitable distribution of the resources of the people among them at every level, and within the rural and urban areas, which would translate to employment, growth in agriculture, tourism, provision of an enabling environment for businesses to thrive and create an increase in the foreign reserves of the nation; such would also impact on the provision of adequate security, well maintained infrastructure, provision of affordable houses for all and sundry, and other social amenities, etc.

The last key word to examine is the word jubilee. Historically, jubilee arose from scripture (Leviticus 25). It is described as the fiftieth year of the nation of Israel which is hallowed, and V. 10a states: “And ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof…” Scriptures went further to proclaim the jubilee as the year when the people should not sow or reap, nor gather the grapes, etc. That year is declared holy, while the people are expected to eat from the increase of the land. Though this may not seem practicable in modern times, yet a lot can be learnt from it. The year of jubilee is recognized as a period when it is not only plenty that is found in the land, there is also seen a developed judicial system, freedom and liberty in the land. This implies that with the passage of time, it is expected that a nation would have put in place structures to ensure that her people are provided for, while there would also be justice, equity, fairness and accountability to the people.

With this overview of the key words necessary for this discourse, it becomes important to examine how democracy has fared in the past 50 years since Independence.

With the formation of the NPC –NCNC led Government in 1960 which had Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the President, as head of State, and Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, Prime Minister and head of Government that took over from the colonial government. Nigeria witnessed a period of promising democratic rule, and which if it had not been truncated, would have probably provided the bedrock for a true Nigerian democracy which would have thrived and created a system that would probably entrench those ideals that have strengthen great democratic nations like Great Britain and the US. However that experience was truncated as a result of various factors which rather than uphold the ideals for a true Nigerian State, gave way to individual and other interests. The fall out of this was that Nigerians as a whole became the greatest losers and became alienated from the ruling classes. Further compromises were reached which impeded the democracy Nigerians craved for, which also eroded the tribal and socio-economic respect Nigerian people of different ethnicities had for one another.

With the instability witnessed in the nation after the elections of 1964, the military took over power, and while their initial stay which lasted for 13 years (1966 – 1979) could be described as a period to hold together the straps of the nationhood of Nigeria as a result of the Civil war that ravaged the Country in 30 months, and after which they had the duty to rebuild and reintegrate the different parts of the Country together. However, the discovery of oil in commercial quantities, created another dimension which besides governance should have added to the rebuilding process of the nation. Rather than the discovery increase positive prospects to ameliorate and strengthen democratic ideals in Nigeria, it became a reason to pursue other objectives which were inimical to the growth of the nation, and further threatened to destroy the fabrics of society. This has since become evident with the emergence of militancy, blowing up of oil installations, kidnapping and other like vices, in the Niger Delta region, and other parts of Nigeria.

It is pertinent to note that both the military and political classes in the Country, rather than use the crude oil resources for the betterment of Nigerians, engaged in activities that eroded what developmental aspirations and goals would have been achieved, or attained if democracy led by civilian governments had been allowed to thrive as there would have been checks and balances through the different tiers of government; with transparency, general participation and accountability in governance.

It is critical to note that there was an untainted and uninterrupted military rule of 15 years before civilians took over power in 1999. It lasted between the period the military ousted the civilian government led by Alhaji Shehu Shagari in 1984 till the General Abubakar Abdulsalam- led military government handed power over to the civilians in the 4th Republic after the fortuitous death of General Sanni Abacha. This period also witnessed changes in military governments through coups and counter coups which further destabilized the Country and created instability and tensions among the citizenry. The nation was returned to a democratic rule in a dysfunctional condition which required time to develop and strengthen the foundations of democratic structures. Fortunately, since 1999 till the present, civilians have ruled and strived to fashion out a democracy for the nation, and build on a tentative democratic platform. That is apart from the Westminster Parliamentary model of government led by the late Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa which lasted 6 years, and the Presidential model led by Alhaji Shehu Shagari with duration of 4 years and a few months that totalled 10 years, there was basically no democratic experience for civilians to draw from.

The deliberate attempt to examine political developments in Nigeria became necessary as a result of the consequences of Nigerians’ expectations of what democracy should be, or the results people expect to gain from this new form of governance. For now, a lot of positives may not be taken away from the experiment so far. Indeed with the pandemic corruption and other excesses of the political class, most Nigerians are disillusioned and disenchanted, and yet because of the dictatorial nature of military rule, that is not seen as a preferred option. It should be pointed out that the consequences of military rule are yet to fully dissipate even as democratic processes have become more solidified and entrenched. Bearing in mind that in times past, the military takes over at the drop of the hat, the political class, and indeed most Nigerians do not yet believe that the military has actually left politics, and that they have their destinies to mould by themselves. So, it becomes common sight to see members of the political class engage in crass corrupt practices to enrich themselves since at the back of their minds there is the fear that the military boys may soon take over power. Further, such fears gave rise to both the quality of politicians who render poor leadership in government, and the unwholesome practices most of them engage in which include money politics, thuggery, shallow and poor ability at governance and administration.

The question now is what is the way forward to ensure that democracy is firmly entrenched in the Country? Bearing in mind that the ideal framework on which democracy is built on include; participatory governance, power belonging to the people, accountability, the right to choose, free and fair elections, and representative government at all levels. It is imperative that these ideals be voluntarily and actively upheld at all level of governance at the federal, state and local government strata; while the media, civil society groups and other non-governmental groups should be allowed to participate in governance with the view to not only build society, but serve as a balance for governments at all levels.. Whereas a free press will greatly reduce the incidents of corruptive practices through the passage of the Freedom of Information Bill; an independent judicial system would ensure justice and equity for all, and there will be hope not only for the common man, but also for any aggrieved party in a conflict, political and otherwise. When such structures are built and solidified and become integral parts of the polity, it would naturally dovetail into Nigeria having a democratic system which can right her wrong, without pressure from the outside, or such an action seen as a political vendetta.

I humbly predict that when such exist in the polity, other sectors which hitherto had been ignored would witness growth and progress. Indeed, democracy in post-independent Nigeria is not only an option, it is yet the only viable option, and when it is firmly entrenched, it is my firm belief that other sectors of the Country which needs fixing shall be easily done, especially whereby seasoned and qualified leaders are allowed to create proactive policies, implement and execute the resultant actions. WAM

John Dara is a presidential aspirant on the platform of the National Transformation Party (NTP) in Nigeria. He can be reached on: [johndara55@hotmail.com]

As a culture and management consultant, I work in an advisory capacity with global managers and global firms expanding into Africa. Thus, the current conflict in the West African naon of Ivory Coast – the world’s largest producer of cocoa – is of parcular concern and one I feel warrants a deeper look from both a global and cultural perspecve.

A decade ago, the Ivory Coast was seen as a haven of peace and prosperity in the West Africa region. Today, however, the nation is suffering from chaos and confusion following a recent (Dec. 2010) disputed election which resulted in both of the main candidates –Laurent Gbagbo (incumbent president) and Alassane
Ouattara (opposition candidate) – being sworn in as president.

To the casual observer, the election looks like a classic case of an African incumbent refusing to step down after losing an election. There is little doubt, however, that in this election, the spectre of ‘tribalism’ (a common misnomer for ethnic identity or ethnic nationalism) has raised its head once again as one of the major complicating factors in the nation’s politics.

RIVAL PRESIDENTS

THE UN TROOPS IN IVORY COAST

Western explanations of local issues in African countries frequently ignore the influence of cultural or traditional ethnic structures. By disregarding the influence of ethnic institutions and systems, international organizations weaken their dialogue in diplomatic negotiations, businesses weaken their potential financially, and even teachers weaken their effect academically, and the list goes on. Even today, it is not out of the ordinary for an African to identify more closely as a member of a given ethnic or linguistic group than as a member of the nation in which they were born and hold citizenship. For instance, a Zulu is more of a Zulu than he or she is a citizen of South Africa; and, on paper, a citizen of Rwanda may be Rwandese, but their identity is still primarily determined by Hutu or Tutsi. These present day attitudes have more to do with prior histories of national governments.

A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

In the 19th century, when colonial powers scrambled for domination in Africa, they partitioned the continent without any regard for ethnic, cultural or religious considerations. As a result, European-drawn borders created “artificial” states within arbitrary and illogical boundaries. Placing ethnic groups with a history of mutual hostilities together in a single country (as in Chad or Sudan), contributed to years of civil war and deep-rooted ethnic sentiments that linger on today.

Because colonialism squashed ethnic groups into large countries or divided them across borders, there has always been a natural tendency for people of ethnic groups to seek self-actualization and self-determination, often to preserve of their own social and traditional structures. The Ashanti people of Ghana, for example, have maintained the institution of the Asantehene (King), their paramount chief and historical monarch. In Western societies, the struggle for self-determination or national identity would be described as nationalism. In Africa and other non-Western societies, the same desire is ominously referred to as “tribalism”.

Prior to independence, the colonial power was the common enemy. After independence, however, when the Europeans took leave, ethnic groups in many African states were forced to confront one another for leadership roles. With ethnic allegiance far surpassing national identity in many African nations, dishonest leaders seeking to exploit audiences for personal and political gain, have often played up their ‘ethnic card’ to garner support, trust and ultimately, to win votes.

THE PROBLEM

This brings us back to the situation in Ivory Coast, where many observers see this as the case today. Incumbent president, Laurent Gbagbo has been in power since 2000 and had already overstayed his mandate by five years when the long-delayed presidential election was finally held in October. The vote was intended to help reunify the country, which was divided by the 2002-2003 civil war between a rebel-controlled north and a loyalist south.

“With the backing of the military and some southern ethnic groups and elites, Mr. Gbagbo is using the country’s Constitutional Council, to cling to power,” writes journalist Kofi Akosah-Sarpong . This is in spite of the fact that he was defeated by the opposition candidate, Mr. Alassane Ouattara, on December 2, 2010. The Constitutional Council, headed by a Gbagbo ally, agreed and annulled the votes from the north, leaving Mr. Gbagbo with a slender overall majority.

POLL RESULTS

Constitutional Council: Laurent Gbagbo 51%, Alassane Ouattara 49%, annulled results in seven northern regions Electoral Commission: Laurent Gbagbo 46%, Alassane Ouattara 5%.

Under the surface, Ivory Coast has long been deeply divided along ethnic, religious and economic lines. Laurent Gbagbo is from the Bete ethnic group. Alassane Ouattara is from the Dioula ethnic group. Gbagbo and his associates from the south see Ouattara and his group from the north as “foreigners” or immigrants in their midst.

The nation’s thriving cocoa industry has created one of the highest living standards in the West African region, so people from neighboring countries, such as Mali and Burkina Faso, migrated there to earn their living and benefit from the thriving economy. Some of these people shared ethnic ties to those living in northern Ivory Coast and like them were mostly Muslim. Some southerners, encouraged by populist politicians, began to resent the influx and demanded action to protect the country’s “Ivoirite (Ivorian-ness)”.

After being portrayed as not being real Ivoirians, northerners started to complain that they were being discriminated against. Mr. Ouattara, a Muslim, who was a former Prime Minister, is a prime example. He was banned from standing for president in previous elections because it was said his parents came from Burkina Faso. Similarly, many northerners said they were being refused national identity cards and the right to vote. Laurent Gbagbo, 65, looks down on the likes of Ouattara, 68, whom he and others see as less of an Ivoirian because of his ethnic background.

Africans are no different from other national groups in owing their primary allegiances to those who share their own language, religion and culture. But 50 years after achieving independence from European colonial powers, Africans can no longer afford to live in the past. This warped mentality of ethnic discrimination, based on the belief that one group is superior to another, is not only self-destructive, but self-defeating. And the legacy can only be wars, genocide and other systems of structured hate.

IVORY COAST

• World’s largest cocoa producer
• Once hailed as a model of stability, slipped into internal strife several
  years after death of first President Felix Houphouet-Boigny in 1993
• An armed rebellion in 2002 split the country between rebel north
  and government south
• A power-sharing government took over in 2007 with the ex-rebel
  leader as prime minister
• 2010: First presidential elections in 10 years -culmination of the
  peace process

THE WAY FORWARD: A BUSINESS PERSPECTIVE

Ultimately, Africa’s future rests in the hands of Africans. With recovery in Western economies still looking fragile from the global economic crisis, there is a growing appetite to invest in Africa. To off-set weak returns in Western domestic markets, global economies are increasingly looking to Africa for economic growth and investment opportunities. African economies could potentially have the upper hand. An implosion, however, in any African state could be detrimental and have far reaching effects and dire consequences for attracting international trading partners and private-sector investments. To avoid this, African leaders have to set the example by being less tolerant of internal strife based on age-old differences, which only stifle development, and redirect national efforts toward paving the way for sustained economic growth, job creation, and infrastructural development. The time is now for Africans to set the rules of engagement with the rest of the world and take full advantage of the huge, untapped market they collectively represent. WAM

Columnist, Erika Amoako-Agyei, is an international business consultant and the owner and founder of a computer hardware and software consultancy that provides IT and business planning services to corporate clients in West Africa’s mining industry. She is based in the US and provides cross cultural management and communications training to global firms and expatriate professionals entering into Africa. She keeps a blog at www.AfricaBusinessReview.net . She can be reached by email at: erikaagyei@gmail.com.

“We have made significant strides in our effort to
improve the relationship between Niger and the
international community as exemplified by the
advances made so far to set up the All party
Parliamentary group for Niger here in the UK.”

Republic of Niger is a landlocked country, situated in the Sahara, northern part of Africa. It has a land mass of 1.267 million sq km, bounded by Algeria, Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad, Libya, Mali and Nigeria and has a population of 15,306,252 million 9 July 2009 est.) Republic of Niger has its capital in Niamey. Niger’s colonial history and development follows that of other French West African Territories. Niger became an autonomous state within the French community in December 4, 1958 after the establishment of the fifth French Republic and assumed full independence on August 3, 1960.

Niger is one of the poorest countries in the world, ranking near last of the United Nations Development Fund (UNDF) index of human development, whose economy centres’ on subsistence crops, livestock and some of the worlds largest uranium deposits. Nearly half of the government’s budget is derived from foreign donor resources.

About 4 years ago the government of Niger lunched a massive campaign to attract investment from the Western community especially the English speaking economies of which they had so little relationship with till then; the purpose for this quest in aimed at harnessing her vast supply of mineral resources namely Uranium, Gold and even Oil. To accomplish this task, Niger needed a Foreign Mission in the United Kingdom to serve as the gateway to Europe; the English speaking economies.

The onerous task of packaging and projecting Republic of Niger – a resource rich but poor country to Europe required an internationally reputable personality; a business tycoon with a good grasp of economics, with tenacity and a good understanding of international diplomacy, was given to His Excellency Dr Chuma Igbokwe.

HE Dr Igbokwe is a UK trained specialist medical practitioner who built up a successful business group in the UK ranging from Health Care, Real Estate, mining and Maritime Security. His track record earned him a nomination for a UK award in 2005.

HE is one of the most successful black businessmen in UK: He assumed the office accordingly and in no time set up the Niger Consul Office in UK and within a year the Consul website became the premier web representation of the country to the world. In addition to this, he also embarked on a massive media campaign to showcase Niger as a potential tourist resort, which led to a tremendous increase in the number of tourist visiting Niger in the last 2 years. Dr Igbokwe has also worked tirelessly to finalise agreements on the setting up of an All Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) for Niger in the UK which is currently in ratification.

In his capacity as one of the official delegates of Niger; Dr Igbokwe attended a number of international conferences and meetings. HE attended the 64th United Nations General Conference held in New York; HE attended the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia 2010; and participated in a number of parliamentary sessions. HE had also been part of Niger’s official delegation to Aso Rock Abuja the office of the president of Nigeria for bilateral talks.

HE Dr Chuma Igbokwe was born in Lagos, Nigeria to Mr and Mrs Olekanma Igbokwe who both hail from Umuahia in Abia State. He had his early primary and secondary education in Lagos having attended the famous Baptist Boys Academy, Obanikoro Lagos from where he proceeded to the University of Ife Medical School, Ile Ife. Upon graduation HE proceeded to the UK where he bagged the prestigious Membership of the Royal College of Psychiatrist, Fellowship of the Royal Society of Medicine UK, Diplomat of the Royal College of surgeons and Physicians of Ireland. He also holds a post graduate management qualification from the University of Surrey, Guildford as well as been a member of the Institute of Directors (IOD), UK.

HE, Dr Chuma Igbokwe is no doubt utilizing his vast experience in international diplomacy to attract Western investments to Niger and to position the country for growth and development. We appreciate and celebrate his commitment to the need and aspirations of the country.